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An editorial by the publication Trusts and Trustees and a paper by Jersey Finance criticised our paper “Trusts: Weapons of Mass Injustice?”, in particular regarding trust registration requirements and publicity, evidence on the abuse of trusts and whether current laws already address all potential abuses involving trusts. This paper offers a response to these criticisms and adds more examples on the involvement of trusts in grand corruption cases as well as comments about the legitimacy of using trusts to avoid taxes.
This paper seeks to start a debate on the harms that trusts can inflict on societies (e.g. money laundering, corruption and tax evasion risks, potential to defraud creditors, avoid taxes, etc.), and what can be done about this. The paper takes a global perspective on the risks of secrecy, asset protection and a race to the bottom on trust regulation, and proposes global and local solutions. The paper does not address the purely internal relationships between parties to a trust (such as settlors, trustees and beneficiaries), but focuses on trusts’ impact on wider society.
Control of corruption is a political process that creates winners and losers. Given the large adverse effects that corruption generates on social development and equity, the potential number of winners when no corruption occurs is greater than the number of losers. However, as the beneficiaries from this situation face significant collective action problems, it is common that they are left at the mercy of the minority groups who win with corruption and particularism. Only when collective action problems are overcome it is possible to advance in controlling corruption and reducing social spaces where particularism rules the game. This requires the confluence of three different factors: a favorable critical juncture, some initial institutional reforms able to act as levers to generate the necessary institutional incentives and a coalition of different social and political forces with sufficient capacity to overcome the existing obstacles to collective action. This confluence is so rare that it could well explain the recurring failures of anti-corruption policies. Our hypothesis is that in the Spanish case two of these three elements are present: a favorable critical juncture and an institutional framework that, although still weakly implemented, offers certain levers to fight corruption and patronage. We know much less about the third element. Is there a social and political coalition in Spain that, beyond feeling outraged when confronted with corruption cases, and beyond being active exclusively in the persecution and exposure of corruption affecting rival groups, promotes the adoption of reforms to prevent the patrimonialist or partisan use both of government institutions and of agencies responsible for limiting governmental power? This paper provides some analytical tools to try to assess the different objectives and motivations of a wide sample of Spanish anti-corruption organizations. This kind of associations have emerged in large number after the outburst of the great recession of 2008, but there are very important differences among them in terms of organization, agenda, motivations and objectives.
The recent leak of the Mossack Fonseca 'Panama papers' has focused attention on how wealthy individuals have established companies in offshore tax havens as a method of tax avoidance. Panama is an ocean away and seems to confirm the perception that in order to avoid tax, the wealthy must salt their money away in less regulated foreign climes. Yet, about half of the companies represented by Mossack Fonseca are registered in British tax havens, reflecting the fact that a significant share of this global practice is in territories that are responsible to the British Crown. Indeed, some of these havens are very close to home, such as Jersey and Guernsey. Whilst much of this is probably legal, the public reaction to the 'Panama papers' and the opaque nature of these arrangements, demonstrates widespread concern about the collusion between the wealthy and their tax advisers, and, crucially the UK's global leadership role in facilitating such arrangements that deny revenue to the public purse. In this Briefing, David Ellis and David Whyte consider whether such collusive relationships are also a feature of domestic governance, and bring to the fore the question of how corrupt British government practices are, and challenge the belief that such activities are rare in the 'mother of all democracies'. Over the last generation, the revolving door between the private sector and government departments, and the ever closer relationship between them, has made many question in whose interests government ministers and civil servants are working: public service or private benefit? The results of the YouGov survey, commissioned and analysed by the authors in this Briefing, will leave the reader in little doubt that the public believe a number of established practices , including the Private Finance Initiative, introduced by the Conservative Government in the 1990s, should be prohibited because they represent a collusion between government and the private sector at the public's expense. The authors call for a national conversation about what they describe as the 'collusive relationship' between government and private business. This Briefing reflects the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies' commitment to fostering a greater knowledge of the potential harms faced by citizens, and of how they might best be regulated and reduced.
Conference,The Quality of Government: What It Is, …
The bulging pocket and the rule of law: Corruption, inequality, and trust2005 •
Despite significant investment in anti-corruption work over the past 15 years, most systemically corrupt countries are considered to be just as corrupt now as they were before the anti-corruption interventions. A growing number of authors argue that anti-corruption efforts have not worked because they are based on inadequate theory, suggesting that collective action theory offers a better understanding of corruption than the principal-agent theory usually used. This paper, published in collaboration with the U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, argues that both theories are in fact valuable. But both miss out an important third perspective, which is that corruption can serve important functions, solving difficult problems that people face, especially in weak institutional environments. Effective anti-corruption initiatives are so hard to achieve because they often require insights from all three of these perspectives. - Corruption as a principal-agent problem: Principal-agent theory highlights the role of individuals’ calculations about whether or not to engage in or oppose corruption; the influence of transparency, monitoring, and sanctions on those calculations; and the technical challenges of monitoring and sanctioning corrupt behaviour. - Corruption as a collective action problem: Collective action theory highlights the relevance to individuals’ decisions of group dynamics, including trust in others and the (actual or perceived) behaviour of others. When corruption is seen as ‘normal’, people may be less willing to abstain from corruption or to take the first step in implementing sanctions or reforms. This theory highlights the challenges of coordinated anticorruption efforts. - Corruption as problem-solving: Corruption can sometimes provide a way of dealing with deeply-rooted social, structural, economic and political problems. Anti-corruption interventions need to better understand the functions that corruption may serve, particularly in weak institutional environments, and find alternative ways to solve the real problems that people face if anti-corruption work is to be successful. Each perspective—corruption as a principal-agent problem, corruption as a collective action problem, and corruption as problem-solving—adds to our understanding of the challenges that anti-corruption efforts face. They suggest the following considerations. - Effective anti-corruption initiatives will be driven by the context, not the theory. Different perspectives on corruption may be most useful in particular contexts and circumstances. For example, principal-agent theory inspired interventions like monitoring, transparency and sanctions may have a big impact in contexts where corruption is relatively isolated, but in other contexts could backfire by increasing public perceptions that corruption is pervasive, risking inducing a sense of ‘corruption fatigue’ among potential challengers and reformers. - Collective action problems are sometimes deliberately crafted, and maintained to undermine the effectiveness of institutions meant to challenge corruption. - Effective anti-corruption initiatives need to recognise and engage with the real political dynamics that underpin corruption, as well as to address the perception that corruption is ‘normal’, when it exists. - Understanding the functions that corruption performs for those who engage in it, and trying to provide alternative solutions, are likely to be important first steps for any effective anticorruption intervention. - Coordinated action, such as that provided by a reform coalition, will be important in addressing corruption, so it may be helpful to consider how such a coalition might arise: the most pressing collective action problem may be not corruption itself, but the formation of a strong coalition that can coordinate efforts to tackle it.
The Role of Corruption in Determining Levels of Trust in Public Institutions: A Quantitative Institutional Analysis, Utilising the Individual Unit of Observation - Abstract This paper takes a holistic interdisciplinary approach to corruption, utilizing the disciplines of anthropology and sociology, focusing on the individual’s role within the functioning of society, and observation of the aggregate individual affects a state-centric analysis. The examination of the mechanisms functioning to affect the relationship between the levels of corruption observed at the individual-unit in local government and trust in public institutions; providing the basis for an alternate method of analyzing the effects of corruption at the institutional level-of analysis. Drawing together the micro unit-of-observation with meso-level analysis, to infer the macro, by providing country aggregate individual analyses of corruption on trust in public institutions. This cross-country analysis provides a comparative institutional analysis of corruption transformation based on country specific contexts, cultures and social norms, rather than stark inter-state comparisons of state perceptions by “hegemonic discourses of corruption”, detrimental to the individual state and open to bias at the state and international level. Employing a quantitative research design, using harmonized barometer survey data from the Global Barometer Surveys Study, allows for comparative cross-country institutional analysis, with the latent inclusion of contextual, cultural and social norms specific to that country within individual responses. Multivariate OLS regressions are used to test the strength of the relationship between aggregate individuals’ responses on the levels of corruption in their local governments and their trust in public institutions, including both local and national government, the president or PM, parliament, political parties, the police, the military and the courts, political parties and police. This paper finds significance in the aggregate individuals’ responses on satisfaction with democracy; government working to lessen a visible economic divide between the rich and the poor, in order to preserve social justice; trust in society and reliance of immediate social networks as mechanisms functioning between corruption and trust in public institutions.
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